So What Have We Learned About Where They Would Go?
October 16th, 2008 . by economistmom
What did we learn last night about where a President Obama or a President McCain would lead the U.S. economy? Not anything we hadn’t already heard. Senator McCain still won’t budge an inch on his trillions of dollars of tax cuts for the rich, yet still claims he can balance the federal budget in four years by slashing spending. Senator Obama is more willing to acknowledge that some of his longer-term proposals may need to be scaled back in getting back to “living within our means,” but won’t yet explain what and how.
From the transcript (courtesy of CNN), we heard Senator McCain’s version of “I feel your pain”:
[McCain:] …Americans are hurting right now, and they’re angry. They’re hurting, and they’re angry. They’re innocent victims of greed and excess on Wall Street and as well as Washington, D.C. And they’re angry, and they have every reason to be angry.
And they want this country to go in a new direction. And there are elements of my proposal that you just outlined which I won’t repeat.
Bob Schieffer had “outlined” the McCain stimulus proposal as “a $52 billion plan that includes new tax cuts on capital gains, tax breaks for seniors, write-offs for stock losses, among other things.” So perhaps Senator McCain didn’t want to repeat that, because it doesn’t sound like a plan that would help those hurting, angry, middle-class families very much.
And we heard about Senator McCain’s proposal to take over mortgages (you know, the one sprung on us at the last debate), with some of his reasoning behind the proposal:
[McCain:] Now, we have allocated $750 billion. Let’s take 300 of that billion and go in and buy those home loan mortgages and negotiate with those people in their homes, 11 million homes or more, so that they can afford to pay the mortgage, stay in their home.
Now, I know the criticism of this.
Well, what about the citizen that stayed in their homes? That paid their mortgage payments? It doesn’t help that person in their home if the next door neighbor’s house is abandoned. And so we’ve got to reverse this. We ought to put the homeowners first. And I am disappointed that Secretary Paulson and others have not made that their first priority.
And we heard about an Obama four-pronged response of sorts (the four parts emphasized below):
[Obama:] I’ve proposed four specific things that I think can help.
Number one, let’s focus on jobs. I want to end the tax breaks for companies that are shipping jobs overseas and provide a tax credit for every company that’s creating a job right here in America.
Number two, let’s help families right away by providing them a tax cut — a middle-class tax cut for people making less than $200,000, and let’s allow them to access their IRA accounts without penalty if they’re experiencing a crisis.
[Number Three:] Now Sen. McCain and I agree with your idea that we’ve got to help homeowners. That’s why we included in the financial package a proposal to get homeowners in a position where they can renegotiate their mortgages.
I disagree with Sen. McCain in how to do it, because the way Sen. McCain has designed his plan, it could be a giveaway to banks if we’re buying full price for mortgages that now are worth a lot less. And we don’t want to waste taxpayer money. And we’ve got to get the financial package working much quicker than it has been working.
[Number Four:] Last point I want to make, though. We’ve got some long-term challenges in this economy that have to be dealt with. We’ve got to fix our energy policy that’s giving our wealth away. We’ve got to fix our health care system and we’ve got to invest in our education system for every young person to be able to learn.
And of course, we heard about “Joe the Plumber” –well, that was something new!–and the candidates’ different notions of whether “under $250,000″ defines the bulk of small businesses or not (depends on how you define it and whether you count dollars or people):
[McCain:] I would like to mention that a couple days ago Sen. Obama was out in Ohio and he had an encounter with a guy who’s a plumber, his name is Joe Wurzelbacher.
Joe wants to buy the business that he has been in for all of these years…but he looked at your tax plan and he saw that he was going to pay much higher taxes…
I will not stand for a tax increase on small business income. Fifty percent of small business income taxes are paid by small businesses. That’s 16 million jobs in America. And what you want to do to Joe the plumber and millions more like him is have their taxes increased and not be able to realize the American dream of owning their own business…
[Obama:] …the centerpiece of [McCain's] economic proposal is to provide $200 billion in additional tax breaks to some of the wealthiest corporations in America. Exxon Mobil, and other oil companies, for example, would get an additional $4 billion in tax breaks.
What I’ve said is I want to provide a tax cut for 95 percent of working Americans, 95 percent. If you make more — if you make less than a quarter million dollars a year, then you will not see your income tax go up, your capital gains tax go up, your payroll tax. Not one dime…
Now, the conversation I had with Joe the plumber, what I essentially said to him was, “Five years ago, when you were in a position to buy your business, you needed a tax cut then.”…
The last point I’ll make about small businesses. Not only do 98 percent of small businesses make less than $250,000, but I also want to give them additional tax breaks, because they are the drivers of the economy. They produce the most jobs.
On tax cuts, we heard the candidates reiterate their clear philosophical differences–Senator McCain going back to Joe the Plumber as someone who would benefit from the McCain tax cuts, and Senator Obama pointing to his friend Warren Buffett as someone whose tax burden we shouldn’t worry about:
[McCain:] Who — why would you want to increase anybody’s taxes right now? Why would you want to do that, anyone, anyone in America, when we have such a tough time, when these small business people, like Joe the plumber, are going to create jobs, unless you take that money from him and spread the wealth around.
I’m not going to…
Obama: OK. Can I…
McCain: We’re not going to do that in my administration.
Obama: If I can answer the question. Number one, I want to cut taxes for 95 percent of Americans. Now, it is true that my friend and supporter, Warren Buffett, for example, could afford to pay a little more in taxes in order…
McCain: We’re talking about Joe the plumber.
Obama: … in order to give — in order to give additional tax cuts to Joe the plumber before he was at the point where he could make $250,000… look, nobody likes taxes. I would prefer that none of us had to pay taxes, including myself. But ultimately, we’ve got to pay for the core investments that make this economy strong and somebody’s got to do it.
McCain: Nobody likes taxes. Let’s not raise anybody’s taxes. OK?
Obama: Well, I don’t mind paying a little more.
And then we got to the really good question regarding the budget deficit (which I think my friends and colleagues had something to do with):
Schieffer: …We found out yesterday that this year’s deficit will reach an astounding record high $455 billion. Some experts say it could go to $1 trillion next year.
Both of you have said you want to reduce the deficit, but the nonpartisan Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget ran the numbers on both of your proposals and they say the cost of your proposals, even with the savings you claim can be made, each will add more than $200 billion to the deficit.
Aren’t you both ignoring reality? Won’t some of the programs you are proposing have to be trimmed, postponed, even eliminated?
Give us some specifics on what you’re going to cut back.
Senator Obama’s response echoed the sentiment he had expressed in his Monday speech–talking about fiscal responsibility in the broader sense of setting priorities, making sure the benefits of government spending and tax cuts are worth the costs, and getting back to living within our means:
Obama: …there is no doubt that we’ve been living beyond our means and we’re going to have to make some adjustments.
Now, what I’ve done throughout this campaign is to propose a net spending cut. I haven’t made a promise about…
Schieffer: But you’re going to have to cut some of these programs, certainly.
Obama: Absolutely. So let me get to that. What I want to emphasize, though, is that I have been a strong proponent of pay-as-you-go. Every dollar that I’ve proposed, I’ve proposed an additional cut so that it matches.
And some of the cuts, just to give you an example, we spend $15 billion a year on subsidies to insurance companies. It doesn’t — under the Medicare plan — it doesn’t help seniors get any better. It’s not improving our health care system. It’s just a giveaway.
We need to eliminate a whole host of programs that don’t work. And I want to go through the federal budget line by line, page by page, programs that don’t work, we should cut. Programs that we need, we should make them work better.
Now, what is true is that Sen. McCain and I have a difference in terms of the need to invest in America and the American people. I mentioned health care earlier.
If we make investments now so that people have coverage, that we are preventing diseases, that will save on Medicare and Medicaid in the future.
If we invest in a serious energy policy, that will save in the amount of money we’re borrowing from China to send to Saudi Arabia.
If we invest now in our young people and their ability to go to college, that will allow them to drive this economy into the 21st century.
But what is absolutely true is that, once we get through this economic crisis and some of the specific proposals to get us out of this slump, that we’re not going to be able to go back to our profligate ways.
And we’re going to have to embrace a culture and an ethic of responsibility, all of us, corporations, the federal government, and individuals out there who may be living beyond their means…
And Senator McCain eventually got back to his plan for his “hatchet” spending freeze, after discovering that counting them/itemizing wasn’t so easy:
Schieffer: The question was, what are you going to cut?
McCain: Energy — well, first — second of all, energy independence. We have to have nuclear power. We have to stop sending $700 billion a year to countries that don’t like us very much. It’s wind, tide, solar, natural gas, nuclear, off-shore drilling, which Sen. Obama has opposed.
And the point is that we become energy independent and we will create millions of jobs — millions of jobs in America.
OK, what — what would I cut? I would have, first of all, across-the-board spending freeze, OK? Some people say that’s a hatchet. That’s a hatchet, and then I would get out a scalpel, OK?
Because we’ve got — we have presided over the largest increase — we’ve got to have a new direction for this country. We have presided over the largest increase in government since the Great Society.
Government spending has gone completely out of control; $10 trillion dollar debt we’re giving to our kids, a half-a-trillion dollars we owe China.
I know how to save billions of dollars in defense spending. I know how to eliminate programs.
Schieffer: Which ones?
McCain: I have fought against — well, one of them would be the marketing assistance program. Another one would be a number of subsidies for ethanol.
I oppose subsidies for ethanol because I thought it distorted the market and created inflation; Sen. Obama supported those subsidies.
I would eliminate the tariff on imported sugarcane-based ethanol from Brazil.
I know how to save billions. I saved the taxpayer $6.8 billion by fighting a deal for a couple of years, as you might recall, that was a sweetheart deal between an aircraft manufacturer, DOD, and people ended up in jail.
But I would fight for a line-item veto, and I would certainly veto every earmark pork-barrel bill. Sen. Obama has asked for nearly $1 billion in pork-barrel earmark projects…
Schieffer: Time’s up.
McCain: … including $3 million for an overhead projector in a planetarium in his hometown. That’s not the way we cut — we’ll cut out all the pork.
Schieffer: Time’s up.
Note that Senator McCain managed to “take the scalpel” that Senator Obama had brought out in the second debate, but that Senator Obama reminded viewers that it was the Bush Administration’s fiscal profligacy that is forcing us to talk about how we’ll have to “butcher” the budget now:
[Obama:] When President Bush came into office, we had a budget surplus and the national debt was a little over $5 trillion. It has doubled over the last eight years.
And we are now looking at a deficit of well over half a trillion dollars.
So one of the things that I think we have to recognize is pursuing the same kinds of policies that we pursued over the last eight years is not going to bring down the deficit. And, frankly, Sen. McCain voted for four out of five of President Bush’s budgets…
…to which Senator McCain responds, well, I’m still going to balance the budget, even with my plused-up version of the Bush tax cuts (i.e., I’m just going to slash spending to 16-17 1/2 percent of GDP):
Schieffer: Do either of you think you can balance the budget in four years? You have said previously you thought you could, Sen. McCain.
McCain: Sure I do. And let me tell you…
Schieffer: You can still do that?
McCain: Yes. Sen. Obama, I am not President Bush. If you wanted to run against President Bush, you should have run four years ago. I’m going to give a new direction to this economy in this country.
Sen. Obama talks about voting for budgets. He voted twice for a budget resolution that increases the taxes on individuals making $42,000 a year. Of course, we can take a hatchet and a scalpel to this budget. It’s completely out of control.
The mayor of New York, Mayor Bloomberg, just imposed an across- the-board spending freeze on New York City. They’re doing it all over America because they have to. Because they have to balance their budgets. I will balance our budgets and I will get them and I will…
Schieffer: In four years?
McCain: … reduce this — I can — we can do it with this kind of job creation of energy independence…
(Hmmm… there’s that irksome “banana peel” (”largest tax increase in American history”) claim… And I think he got that last line on jobs from his running mate–how ’bout you?…)
So that’s the new stuff on fiscal policy from last night’s debate–not really any new substance, but still a fine show. My position on the candidates’ economic plans, as recently revised in response to the financial crisis, remains the same as a couple days ago in my “partial nationalization” post. It aligns well with Maya MacGuineas’ position in this recent op-ed. Clearly the $700 billion rescue plan represents a substantial amount of new deficit spending (even if less than $700 billion is eventually added to the deficits in our accounting for the costs of the plan)–a level of deficit spending I understand (from listening to our economic policy leaders) is necessary to just keep our economy “alive.” Additional deficit-financed fiscal stimulus (as proposed by the candidates and Congress in the past week) may be deemed necessary to address the broader weakness in the general economy (”Main Street”). But being in “crisis” mode does not justify being indiscriminate in our (even) short-term deficit spending: any stimulus must still satisfy the policy goals set out for the previous fiscal stimulus in that it must be timely, well-targeted, and temporary.
Obviously now that our economy appears to be headed into a prolonged, not short-lived, slump, timeliness isn’t as tight a constraint as it used to be–although we may need it more and sooner now. And with the economic weakness a broader one now, the “targeting” may sound unnecessary, except that the real sense in which targeting matters is (still) in the need to maximize the economy-wide “bang per buck.” Thus, throwing out more tax cuts for the rich, even if designed as temporary “stimulus,” doesn’t make any more sense now than it did before the current crisis. It’s all about opportunity cost; we have to ask whether deficit-financed tax cuts for the rich make more sense as fiscal stimulus than assistance to state and local governments or infrastructure projects or even more tax rebates or other cash infusions to cash-strapped lower-to-middle-income households. And the current need for deficit-financed fiscal stimulus cannot be used as justification for new and permanent deficit spending, because “living beyond our means” is how our entire economy got into this mess in the first place.
After we get through the current crisis, directing our longer-term fiscal policies to encourage economic growth (to increase our and our children’s “means”) will cost real money. We can’t just “snap our fingers” and find our way to an energy-independent society with all those jobs. And we can’t keep borrowing for even those worthwhile investments, or else we’re just eating into the future return. So we can’t abandon fiscal responsibility by mindlessly extending permanent tax cuts for the rich, or mindlessly throwing money at programs that are counterproductive to our longer-term economic goals. Going forward, we don’t have and won’t have the money to waste, and so we can’t afford a President and a Congress who will make policy decisions as if we do. We need a ”sober” and thoughtful President and a “sober” and thoughtful Congress. And that’s how we should vote on November 4th if we care about our economic future.


McCain did as best he could last night, but a game changing outcome is too much for supporters to have expected.
Economics are only a part of why. The fundamental difficulties that McCain faced are political and of his own making.
McCain did what he had to which was aggressively go after Obama, unfortunately there were two things working against McCain. The first was that McCain’s negative attacks had already been evidenced to diminish his appeal to voters (see for example NYT article http://www.nytimes.com/2008/10/15/us/politics/15poll.html). And second, related to the first, the vast majority of McCain’ attacks were merely rhetorical, and thus not of significant merit.
One might almost feel bad for McCain, because while he needed to be aggressive, there was little chance that his attacks would be received positively. The problem with empathy however is that it absolves McCain of his responsibility to have by now provided a meaningful alternative to the Obama campaigns proposals, and with that the basis for a critique of substance. McCain’s primary victory should have been signal to him that he had the opportunity to construct a true ‘straight talk express.’ His core economic team team had all the right ingredients to bring in the Wall Street and Regan-Democrat voter constituencies. Tragically, McCain instead has seemed increasingly erratic and less ethical these past six months. He unfortunately does not seem aware of his own transgressions. As he invoked the classic Kennedy-Goldwater dynamics last night he touched on all that could have been right with his campaign, but is not. He unintentionally highlighted the fact that he is unaware that his is no longer seen as the bearer of the Goldwater Legacy. To expect him to make sense of his campaign at this date is thus to expect too much, and yet, it is what is required. Since he cannot reasonably be expected to make sense of his campaign in the next two-or-so weeks, he can no longer reasonably expect to win the election.
In retrospect his last best shot at the executive branch was as Kerry’s VP pick. His decent can be traced to his political choices immediately following, his support of the 2004 Bush Campaign was the beginning of what appears to now be the end of his “Maverick” period, and with it the end of his chance to work in the Executive Branch.
The choice of Sarah Palin as a running mate was the last obvious move in a series that hemmed in his ability to criticize Obama from a position of strength. The experience argument was gone. Further Palin appears to be a great deal like President Bush as candidate circa 2000, by way of her inexperience, her lack of engagement in national and international political issues, and in her appeal to evangelicals who which to use the government to confine society within a particular set of theologically derived moral prescripts. On social issues, on leadership issues, and on economic issues, McCain would have done much better with Romney or Lieberman on the ticket. The fact that he failed to vet his choice reveals that he failed to think through the choice, and thus the likelihood that he would have selected the best person for the job was always at best slim.
This is why another of McCain’s best lines, “I am not President Bush, if you wanted to run against president Bush, you should have run four years ago,” was a glancing blow and not the knock down it might have been. In economic and political terms he has failed to distance himself from Bush policy. In fact no one can be criticized for believing that the long term trend is towards convergence with those policies, more or less across the board. Factoring health issues in it is not unreasonable for a voter to sense that a vote for McCain has some probablity of choosing two presidents with a single vote, and thereby sanwitching McCain squarely between Bush and Palin in the history books.
Like all good tragedy what makes this a remarkable story is that the anti-hero has slung the arrows of misfortune at himself, in broad daylight, for all to see. The choices were McCain’s, and they have all more or less been made.
Diane,
Well said re: the need for any deficit-financed fiscal stimulus to be efficient (”bang-for-buck”), worth the long-term cost and temporary. For all their vague talk and protestations regarding the need for fiscal responsibility, the politicians in D.C. were not fiscally constrained prior to this crisis, and now the pinata is about to burst wide open. Whatever political cost of fiscal irresponsibility previously existed, it is diminished in today’s political environment. Politicians now have an excuse for all sorts of large-scale deficit spending (higher spending and lower taxes), whether wise economics or just clever politics (the latter at America’s long-term expense). And it doesn’t help that many in the media, in their haste to push back against the straw man of supposedly unreasonable, supposedly inflexible deficit hawks, fail to focus the public on the need for vigilance amid any (ostensibly) counter-cyclical deficit-spending — See the latest example, by no less than a recent Nobel Prize-winning economist and New York Times columnist http://www.nytimes.com/2008/10/17/opinion/17krugman.html?ref=opinion
In this environment the mission of the Concord Coalition and the voice of insightful, responsible, reasonable individuals such as you are all the more important. The level and effectiveness of efforts such as yours can make the difference between deficit-spending that may be likely to be truly in our nation’s best interest and politicians gone wild with self-serving, excessive and/or inefficient deficit-spending that will cost us greatly in the end.
I think the Krugman comment is really well put. The hazards of a japan-esque lost decade are on the one side, and of a rather dramatic recession are on the other.
My understanding of the chief arguement Diane is making is not that fiscal stimulus are uncalled for but rather that we might as well ween the very well off of Bush-era tax cuts as sunsets will naturally allow. This is merely a first step down a larger road towards fiscal balance, but an important one. And a meaningful test of character.
The larger context here is with respect to counter cyclical fiscal policy. Diane I believe you may have some charts that highlight a point I think Auerbach and Gale made some time ago, that most counter-cyclical fiscal policy happens on the revenue side, not on the expenditures side. If we put the Krugman and Lim-Rogers pieces together the policy prescript is to reverse that a bit from historic trends. Tax some groups a bit more and spend on infrastructure investment. In sum: “tax and spend.” Well, for the deficit hawk in all of us, at least it beats “spend.”
Damn the torpedos?
Jason,
I’m not an economist, but it does seem to me that, ceteris paribus, deficit-neutral “tax and spend” would indeed provide short-term stimulus, given that not all of the incremental taxed income would have been spent by taxpayers in the short-term (and a smaller and smaller percentage of it as we move up the income or wealth spectrum), whereas all of the spending would be, well, spending.
As for infrastructure spending in particular, my understanding is that how much of money allocated for infrastructure gets spend in the very short-term depends on whether it is funding for future projects (for which spending will take place over a longer period of time) or for projects already underway that would, without the incremental funding, have to be delayed or scaled back by state governments or other levels of government.
Brooks wrote:
In this environment the mission of the Concord Coalition and the voice of insightful, responsible, reasonable individuals such as you are all the more important. The level and effectiveness of efforts such as yours can make the difference between deficit-spending that may be likely to be truly in our nation’s best interest and politicians gone wild with self-serving, excessive and/or inefficient deficit-spending that will cost us greatly in the end.
I agree. I’ve long thought that the only real justifications for deficit spending is investment (which is likely to return more than its cost) and emergencies. Hence, I agree with Krugman that we need to spend what is necessary to deal with the fiscal crisis. However, there is no reason why we can’t walk and chew gum at the same time. While we are dealing with the fiscal crisis, we also need to prepare for the future and ensure that the cost of resolving the crisis does not create another crisis. On that topic, Nightly Business Report ran a short animated cartoon at the end of today’s broadcast that advertised the “Biggest Bailout Ever” as though it were a sale at the local car dealer. At the end, they quickly displayed and read the following disclaimer in small type:
This offer depends on the willingness of the Chinese government to continue buying U.S. government debt. Terms and conditions depend on the whim of Congress and my be changed without notice. U.S. taxpayers may not apply.
The first line seemed especially appropriate. At present, we are heavily dependent on the “kindness of strangers” to pay for this bailout. In the long run, we need to work on cutting down this dependence. In the short run, we need to carefully monitor the international lending market so as to avoid the scenario where foreigners stop buying our debt and/or start demanding prohibitive rates of interest.
Up until now, we’ve been able to borrow whatever funds we need (about $2 billion a day, I believe) and interest rates have remained relatively low. For this reason, I suspect that many Americans still believe that this is largely free money and that our deficits represent little more than a minor moral failing. It might help to put the cost of the bailout in individual terms. The $700 billion bailout represents a bit over $2000 per American (somewhat more per taxpayer). Imagine if we couldn’t just put that the national charge card and had to come up with it in the midst of this crisis. Yes, we need to deal with the current fiscal crisis. But this should make us even more aware of how a crisis can spin out of control and why we need to repair our balance sheet as soon as possible. Having foreign lenders cut us off or demand high interest payments could set off a crisis that could surpass the current one. We need to do everything we can to avoid it.